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This is a story of a young man who was hazed/violated by a couple of classmates at the end of high school and how he eventually got his revenge on them. Most of the first chapter is written in the first person, but some of it is in the third and I've tried to note those in their own paragraphs. I hope you'll enjoy the story.

This hasn't stopped some parents' coalitions and conservative political groups from trying to force GSAs out of existence by arguing that the alliances subject impressionable teens to explicit sexual discussion or "teach" them how to be gay. The caricature of GSAs presented by some of the more overheated conservative rhetoric is designed to horrify even the most liberal-minded parents. In Massachusetts, for instance, the $1.5 million allocated to the Department of Education and the Department of Public Health for gay youth programming came under attack this year by a group called the Parents' Rights Coalition after a coalition member, Scott Whiteman, secretly taped the workshop "What They Didn't Tell You about Queer Sex and Sexuality in Health Class," at Tufts University's Teach Out 2000 conference. According to Whiteman's testimony before the Department of Education, the facilitators, one of whom happened to be a department employee, answered graphic questions about the how-tos of oral and anal sex in front of students as young as 14. Although the conference was not supported by state money, it was organized by the Gay, Lesbian, and Straight Education Network (GLSEN), which at the time had the state contract for teacher training on gay themes and homophobia.

In response the Parents' Rights Coalition called for an elimination of the Massachusetts Governor's Commission on Gay and Lesbian Youth. While the coalition's campaign didn't result in a total funding cut, it did cast a pall over the state's network of youth service providers. Chris Markowski, the executive director of Project 10 East, Inc., a nonprofit group that helps students set up GSAs around the state, asserts that the ripple effect from the taping "has affected a hundred thousand young people--not just the gay kids, but every kid in school." Local GSAs report that their annual state grants were late in 2000, and GLSEN lost its state contract altogether.

Mainstream attitudes toward homosexuality may have changed rapidly over the past few years, but many people still feel uncomfortable with the idea of a school culture that appears openly to accept homosexuality. (And certainly there is unanimous agreement among parents that they don't want 14-year-olds given state-subsidized instruction in anal-sex techniques.) At the same time, however, many parents also feel that tolerance and the celebration of difference are values worth instilling in their children. A more tolerant high school is probably a safer, happier environment for all kids. For liberals in particular--who have fought for years to protect minority groups against the attacks of the Moral Majority, the Christian Coalition, and their ilk--establishing institutional support for gay high school students is a major advance. And for activists seeking to advance the cause of gay rights, there's no question that high schools are one key battleground.

According to the media, high school students like Ally are feeling increasingly comfortable leading openly gay lives. Studies have shown that gay youths today are disclosing their sexuality, or "coming out," at a younger age: In the 1970s, gay men came out on average in their mid- to late-20s; now, the mean age is 18, and it is no longer unusual to find professedly gay students in high school. Writing last April in The Advocate, a national gay magazine, David Kirby reported that "across the nation, gay and lesbian students are coming out in their schools with a sense of confidence that would have seemed impossible just a few years ago." A Newsweek story attributes this supportive climate to gay-straight alliances, which "have been a major factor in helping teenagers create openly gay lives." Some people claim that it is only gay-straight alliances, and not the larger school culture, that is making the climate for gay kids more supportive. To the extent that schools are becoming safer for gay students, it is "in spite of, not because of, the system," says Kevin Jennings, the executive director of GLSEN.

Research focusing on the nexus of impulsivity and HIV risk taking has been conducted with the assumption that people who are impulsive are less apt to ask their sex partners about their HIV testing history, less apt to try to negotiate sexual safety with new partners, and more likely to make spur-of-the-moment sexual decisions that place them at risk for contracting or transmitting HIV, when compared to their less-impulsive peers. Research on this subject has been limited, but generally consistent with these assumptions. For example, in their study of HIV-positive methamphetamine-using MSM, Semple and colleagues found that greater impulsivity was related to more unprotected sex.19,40 In their sample, there was an interaction between impulsivity and the amount of methamphetamine use men reported, suggesting that risk was greatest among highly-impulsive, more drug-involved MSM. Based on their work with midwestern MSM aged 13-21, Dudley et al.41 found that greater impulsiveness in decision making was associated with having unprotected sex more frequently. Semple, Patterson, and Grant found that there was an association between greater impulsivity and having unprotected anal sex in their sample of HIV-positive gay men who had sex with seronegative or serostatus-unknown sex partners.18 One study that did not find a relationship between impulsivity and risk taking was published by McCoul and Haslam.42

With regard to coping and HIV risk involvement, it is important to bear in mind that coping may be undertaken in healthy or adaptive ways (e.g., exercising to reduce stress, speaking to a mental health professional, confiding in a trusted friend, engaging in favorite hobbies) or in ways that are unhealthy or mal-adaptive (e.g., using drugs, avoiding dealing with a person or a problem, drinking to excess). The latter types of coping practices are hypothesized to be related to heightened risk for HIV transmission and, indeed, published reports on this subject support this hypothesis. For example, in a study of HIV-negative gay men in New York City, disengagement coping was related to having unprotected anal intercourse.43 In their study of HIV-positive men attending gay community events, Kelly et al.44 found that men who barebacked engaged in more avoidant coping than those who were not barebacking. Martin, Pryce, and Leeper found that,45 among MSM, the use of avoidance coping strategies was associated with more unprotected anal intercourse. Semple, Patterson, and Grant found that there was an association between greater avoidant coping and having unprotected anal sex in their sample of HIV-positive gay men who had sex with seronegative or serostatus-unknown sex partners.18 Based on their work with HIV-positive males aged 15-24, Stein and colleagues found that negative coping styles were associated with an increased risk for the sexual transmission of HIV.17 Based on a four-site study of HIV-positive MSM, Morin and colleagues concluded that low coping self-efficacy was related to an elevated HIV transmission risk with casual sex partners.46

For insertive oral sex, receptive oral sex, insertive anal sex, receptive anal sex, and insertive vaginal sex, separate questions were asked about the number of times engaging in each behavior during the previous 30 days (continuous), the number of those times in which the insertive partner wore a condom (continuous), and the number of those times that the receptive partner received ejaculatory fluid directly inside of the mouth or anus (continuous). This information was used to create measures of the proportion of all sex acts involving the use of a condom (continuous), the proportion of anal sex acts involving the use of a condom (continuous), the proportion of all sex acts involving internal ejaculation (continuous), and the proportion of anal sex acts involving internal ejaculation (continuous).

Also worth noting, the response/participation rate for The Bareback Project was relatively low (10%), which could raise concern of selection bias and, therefore, the representativeness of the sample. Although it is difficult to be certain that the men who participated represent the men who did not, there is compelling evidence to suggest that differences between the two groups are minimal. Before The Bareback Project was started, the principal investigator conducted a large-scale content analysis with a random national sample of one of the main websites used by men to meet other men seeking unprotected sex partners.61-63 The demographic composition of that sample and the one obtained in The Bareback Project closely match one another in terms of age representation, racial group composition, sexual orientation, and rural/suburban/urban location of residence. The two samples also resemble one another closely in terms of the types of sexual practices that men sought. The similarity of the two samples suggests that men who chose to participate in the present study represent those who did not, in terms of identifiable characteristics that are likely to be the best indicators of selection bias. Despite these similarities, the participation rate remains on the low side and thus represents a potential limitation for generalizability. 041b061a72